Skip to main content

Degree vs. Manner Well: A Case Study in Selective Binding

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
Book cover Advances in Generative Lexicon Theory

Part of the book series: Text, Speech and Language Technology ((TLTB,volume 46))

Abstract

We present a semantic analysis of the adverb well that captures its degree and manner readings in a principled fashion via the Generative Lexicon Selective Binding composition rule. The analysis integrates Kennedy and McNally’s (Language, 81:345–381, 2005) treatment of scale structure with Generative Lexicon theory, and embeds the resulting semantics in HPSG.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 129.00
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 169.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 169.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    Combining forms such as over-, under- and ill-, as in overloaded, underpaid and ill-nourished show a similar distribution and pattern of behavior, and are thus likely to be amenable to a similar analysis, but since their syntax and semantics is slightly different from that of manner adverbs, we will not discuss them here. See Katz (2005) on the use of other manner adverbs such as surprisingly in degree modification contexts.

  2. 2.

    Throughout, we will refer to past participles as such; however, see Kennedy and McNally (2005) for a variety of arguments that at least those participles which interest us here behave like adjectives on a series of morphological and syntactic tests.

  3. 3.

    These assumptions are not crucial; our central claims can be just as well implemented in a more standard semantic analysis of gradable adjectives in terms of relations between degrees and individuals. Under these assumptions, degree morphemes are expressions that saturate the degree argument of the adjective, and well remains a function from adjective meanings to adjective meanings.

  4. 4.

    The denotations of some other common degree terms are listed in (i): the pos morpheme in (ia), where stnd is a function that returns an appropriate standard of comparison given an adjective denotation G and a contextually supplied property C (a ‘comparison class’; see Klein 1980); very in (ib), which fixes the comparison class to be just those objects that the positive form is true of (Wheeler 1972); and comparatives of superiority in (ic), where dc is the denotation of the comparative clause.

    (i)

    a. T(pos) = λG <e,d>λx.G(x) ≥ stnd(G)(C<e,t>)

    b. T(very) = λG <e,d>λx.G(x) ≥ stnd(G)(λy.pos(G)(y))

    c. T(more than dc) = λG <e,d>λx.G(x) > dc

  5. 5.

    Of course, sequences of degree modifiers do occur, as in very very afraid, but in these cases one degree modifier combines first with the other, and then the result combines with the adjective (Kennedy and McNally 2005).

  6. 6.

    For the purposes of this paper we ignore the other standardly-posited element of the cont feature, the context feature.

  7. 7.

    The exact configuration we have given to scale structure is not crucial for the analysis, so for reasons of space we will not justify it here. We use (0,1) to represent an open scale and [0,1] for closed scales; partially closed scales (0,1] and [0,1) are also possible though we will not discuss such examples here.

  8. 8.

    Our analysis will ignore those details which do not bear directly on the issue of how both the degree and non-degree reading of well can be derived from an unambiguous well.

  9. 9.

    Although we assign loaded two different lexical entries corresponding to its two argument structures, these two entries are highly redundant and could be partially unified in a hierarchical lexicon (see e.g. Koenig 1999). To save space we have represented the values of the qualia as simple formulae, rather than as feature-structures.

  10. 10.

    Here our treatment of result states differs from Pustejovsky’s (1995), resembling instead the analysis developed independently by Lautenbacher (2001).

  11. 11.

    We adopt the version of the Semantics Principle for head-modifier structures proposed in Kasper (1997, (31)):

    1. (a)

      For a head-adjunct phrase, the semantic content (CONT) is token-identical with the MOD|ECONT value of the adjunct daughter, and the MOD|ICONT value of the adjunct daughter is token identical with the adjunct daughter’s CONT.

    2. (b)

      For all other types of headed phrase, the CONT is token-identical with the CONT of the head daughter.

References

  • Badia, T., & Saurí, R. (1999). Semantic disambiguation of adjectives in local context: A generative approach. In P. Bouillon & E. Viegas (Eds.), Proceedings of TALN 99 (pp. 163–180). Cargèse: Corsica.

    Google Scholar 

  • Badia, T., & Saurí, R. (2000). Enlarging HPSG with lexical semantics. In A. Gelbukh (Ed.), Proceedings of CICLing 2000 (pp. 101–122). Mexico City: Computer Research Center, National Polytechnic Institute.

    Google Scholar 

  • Badia, T., & Saurí, R. (2013). Developing a generative lexicon within HPSG. In J. Pustejovsky (Ed.), Advances in generative lexicon theory (Text, speech and language technology). Dordrecht: Springer.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bolinger, D. (1972). Degree words. The Hague: Mouton.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bouillon, P. (1999). The adjective ‘vieux’: The point of view of ‘generative lexicon’. In E. Viegas (Ed.), Breadth and depth of semantic lexicons (pp. 148–166). Dordrecht: Kluwer.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dowty, D. R. (1991). Thematic proto-roles and argument selection. Language, 67, 547–619.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jackendoff, R. (1977). X-bar syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kasper, R.T. (1997). The semantics of recursive modication. Ms., Ohio State University.

    Google Scholar 

  • Katz, G. (2005). Attitudes towards degrees. In E. Maier, C. Bary, & J. Huitink (Eds.), Proceedings of SuB9 (pp. 183–196). Nijmegen: NCS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kennedy, C. (1999). Projecting the adjective: The syntax and semantics of gradability and comparison. New York: Garland.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kennedy, C., & McNally, L. (1999). From event structure to scale structure: Degree modification in deverbal adjectives. In T. Matthews & D. Strolovitch (Eds.), Proceedings of SALT IX (pp. 163–180). Ithaca: CLC Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kennedy, C., & McNally, L. (2005). Scale structure, degree modification, and the semantics of gradable predicates. Language, 81, 345–381.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Klein, E. (1980). A semantics for positive and comparative adjectives. Linguistics and Philosophy, 4(1), 1–45.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Koenig, J.-P. (1999). Lexical relations. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Larson, R. (1998). Events and modification in nominals. In D. Strolovitch & A. Lawson (Eds.), Proceedings of SALT VIII (pp. 145–168). Ithaca: CLC Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lautenbacher, O.-P. (2001). What is formal and what is telic in a predicate? An alternative vision of the Generative Lexicon’s qualia. In P. Bouillon & K. Kanzaki (Eds.), Proceedings of the First International Workshop on Generative Approaches to the Lexicon. Geneva: Switzerland.

    Google Scholar 

  • Levin, B., & Rappaport-Hovav, M. (1999). Two structures for compositionally derived events. In T. Matthews & D. Strolovitch (Eds.), Proceedings from SALT IX (pp. 199–223). Ithaca: CLC Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pustejovsky, J. (1995). The generative lexicon. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pollard, C., & Sag, I. (1994). Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. Chicago: CSLI.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ramchand, G. C. (1997). Aspect and predication. Oxford: Clarendon.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wheeler, S. (1972). Attributives and their modifiers. Noûs, 6(4), 310–334.

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Acknowledgments

We are grateful to audiences at the First International Workshop on Generative Approaches to the Lexicon and at Universitat Pompeu Fabra for comments, and to Tom Rozario for assistance with data collection. All errors are our own. This paper is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0094263, and by the Department of Universities, Research, and Information Society of the Generalitat de Catalunya.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Louise McNally .

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2013 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

McNally, L., Kennedy, C. (2013). Degree vs. Manner Well: A Case Study in Selective Binding. In: Pustejovsky, J., Bouillon, P., Isahara, H., Kanzaki, K., Lee, C. (eds) Advances in Generative Lexicon Theory. Text, Speech and Language Technology, vol 46. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5189-7_11

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5189-7_11

  • Published:

  • Publisher Name: Springer, Dordrecht

  • Print ISBN: 978-94-007-5188-0

  • Online ISBN: 978-94-007-5189-7

  • eBook Packages: Computer ScienceComputer Science (R0)

Publish with us

Policies and ethics