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Global Software and its Provenance: Generification Work in the Production of Organisational Software Packages

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Webster and Williams report on the difficulties and frequent failures encountered when computer-aided production management (CAPM) systems, designed for large hierarchical American manufacturers, were implemented within the more informal, ad hoc managerial culture and practices of smaller British manufacturers (Webster and Williams, 1993). Fincham et al. (1994) identify similar problems in the transfer of packaged finance service sector administration systems from the USA to the UK where a lower and less formal division of labour prevailed. McLaughlin et al. discuss the transfer of a hospital management system from one national context to another and suggest that because the system was particular to its geographical birthplace it did not easily translate to new contexts (McLaughlin et al., 1999).

  2. 2.

    It has been argued that by the late 1990 s most large companies had adopted the same or a similar ERP system (Muscatello et al., 2003). Moreover, these systems are now jumping the boundary from the private to the public sector and are moving into local authorities, hospitals, and universities, a move portrayed by many as also highly unlikely.

  3. 3.

    Science and technology studies (STS) is the subdiscipline which grew out of the sociology of science. It has arguably been one of the most productive bodies of work for the study of the development, uptake, and use of technology and it has been extensively deployed to study information systems and software (see Walsham, 2001).

  4. 4.

    While we do not know of any studies of technology that use this terminology (generification work, the process and attendant strategies of generification), Errington and Gewertz (2001) provide an interesting discussion of generification in terms of the local culture of indigenous peoples and how it is affected by other, more dominant forms of knowledge. We work up the notion of generification because we think it indicates a way of making sense of how software packages are developed and recycled, and also provides a counter to biases towards localization arguments within current STS.

  5. 5.

    See also Hales (1994) for this view.

  6. 6.

    In their comparative study of IT systems, to give just one compelling example, McLaughlin et al. (1999) deploy a commonplace vocabulary to highlight how users actively ‘appropriate’ (MacKay and Gillespie, 1992), ‘domesticate’ (Sorensen, 1996), or ‘work-around’ (Gasser, 1986) the shortcomings of newly arrived technologies.

  7. 7.

    An exemplary instance of this kind of writing is Avgerou’s (2002) recent book.

  8. 8.

    The concept of narrative bias invites us to reflect upon the repertoires of classic stories that particular schools of analysis often develop with characteristic contexts, problem diagnosis, dangers, and solutions (Williams et al., 2005). See also Woolgar and Cooper (1999) for a similar discussion of ‘iconic exemplars’ in STS.

  9. 9.

    Thanks to Michael Lynch for framing this point in this way.

  10. 10.

    We are grateful here to Jamie Fleck for bringing this set of arguments to our attention.

  11. 11.

    We should also mention Timmermans and Berg’s (1997) work as they have suggested that artefacts can be both universal and local at the same time. Putting forward the notion of the ‘local universal’, they argue that universals do exist but they emerge together with the local. This is an important contribution. However, our interests are different in some respects. Their account is firmly on the side of work practice and the appropriation of a medical standard and how despite various ‘local circumventions’ and ‘repairs’ carried out by users of a particular protocol, the notion of ‘one’ standard still persists. Also, local universal is an analytical notion they invent to separate out the world of practice from the world of standards, and, then, to show how these worlds are reconciled with one another. Our concerns, in contrast, are with design practices and how actors themselves negotiate and establish the boundaries between what is particular and generic. And in this respect we view as sociologically interesting the way suppliers attempt to bring together and manage both of these aspects while building of a generic software package. Gieryn (1999) discusses a similar point in relation to the authority of science and how lay people understand what counts as good and bad science. It is important, he says, to focus on how actors perform this boundary work rather than privileging the analysts’ view.

  12. 12.

    For a more detailed discussion of the ‘biography’ of a software package see Pollock et al. (2003).

  13. 13.

    The material presented here stems from observations (by NP) of what are sometimes called ‘requirements prototyping’ sessions (meetings in which suppliers demonstrate early versions of systems and elicit feedback), and user group meetings at the suppliers’ premises. A number of semi-structured interviews and informal discussions were also conducted with supplier consultants, programmers, and users. Finally, one of the authors (NP) was commissioned to conduct a study on the suitability of launching PAMS abroad. Along with a co-researcher, Tasos Karadedos, NP met regularly with the management team to discuss strategies and potential markets. Material from this study is also presented here.

  14. 14.

    This discussion of Accumulative Functionality is partially drawn from Karadedos (2003).

  15. 15.

    Here we loosely draw on Woolgar’s (1996) notion that a technology ‘performs’ a community. He uses the term in conjunction with the ‘technology as text’ metaphor to show how readers arrive at a preferred form of use. He suggests that within the technology/text certain identities and positions are offered with which the user can choose to align.

  16. 16.

    This was taken from an email exchange between one of the pilot sites and the supplier. The author was discussing the danger of design that was focused on individual sites and not the community.

  17. 17.

    Indeed, the participants were becoming increasingly frustrated by the supplier’s attempts to understand each and every difference among all the universities present and to reconcile these with the needs of the others present. For the suppliers, such a process appeared to be useful, as they saw it as a means by which the module might become more generic and thus potentially applicable to the widest variety of higher education institutions.

  18. 18.

    Knorr Cetina develops the notion of ‘management by content’ to describe how people are managed especially through the content of their work as opposed to management through organisational structure or hierarchy (Knorr Cetina, 1999, p. 172).

  19. 19.

    We later found out during the final stages of drafting this paper that the South African University eventually decided not to implement Campus Management. Their reasons, and the continuing evolution of CM, are the subject of continuing research.

  20. 20.

    There is an interesting issue here of how the universities were squeezed into existing software models that had nothing to do with higher education. We have explored this issue in Pollock and Cornford (2004).

  21. 21.

    Usually changes to the source code provide suppliers with something of a dilemma. On the one hand, modifications developed by users are an important source of innovation and are often fed back into the generic package for use at other sites. On the other hand, such evolution can be disruptive and if things go wrong during such modifications, this often leads to disputes about where responsibility rests for sorting things out. See Pollock (2005) for a lengthy discussion of this issue in relation to the authorised and unauthorised customisations and ‘workarounds’ conducted on standardised computer systems.

  22. 22.

    Interestingly, we also routinely witnessed how a user might shift from one classification to another. The very first adopter of PAMS, for instance, was in the process of moving from the centre to the periphery (and there was even talk that it was now becoming ‘transactional’).

  23. 23.

    This diagram is a development of one found in Karadedos (2003). Permission to reproduce it has been granted.

  24. 24.

    These are, of course, equivalences only in the realm of design and whether they emerge in the realm of practice will depend on other generification strategies.

  25. 25.

    Indeed, the globalisation theorist Roland Robertson (1992, p. 102) has gone as far as to describe ‘contemporary globalisation’ as marked by a similar process or what he describes as the ‘…institutionalisation of the two-fold process involving the universalisation of particularism and the particularisation of universalisation’.

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Acknowledgements

We acknowledge the support of the UK Economic & Social Research Council (ESRC) who funded the research project (‘The Biography and Evolution of Standardised Software’) on which this paper was based. We warmly thank all those people at the software supplier organisations and the user communities who contributed to the paper in various ways. We acknowledge the contribution of Tasos Karadedos who accompanied us during interviews at Educational Systems. His assistance and final dissertation were very helpful in preparing this chapter. Also thanks to Jamie Fleck, Alex Voss, Christian Koch, Geoffrey Bowker, Barbera Czarniawska, Dave Stearns, Sampsa Hyysalo, Mei Wang, Christine Grimm, Wendy Faulkner, Michael Lynch, and the ‘Writing Circle’ at Edinburgh University, who all provided useful comments and suggestions on early drafts.

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Pollock, N., Williams, R. (2009). Global Software and its Provenance: Generification Work in the Production of Organisational Software Packages. In: Büscher, M., Slack, R., Rouncefield, M., Procter, R., Hartswood, M., Voss, A. (eds) Configuring User-Designer Relations. Computer Supported Cooperative Work. Springer, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-84628-925-5_9

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