Abstract
This paper examines the history of some adverbs derived from adjectives belonging to the syntactic-semantic class <causatives of feeling: fear> in French and Spanish. While most of the lexical units in this class have acquired an intensive meaning in both languages, they have done so progressively. As usually happens in language history, the current paradigm of intensifiers, that is, the one we can find in modern Spanish and French, is the result of a grammaticalization process which began with one or two adverbs in particular and extended to many other semantically linked ones. However, the number of units involved, the dates of their conversion into intensifiers and their degree of grammaticalization depend on the idiosyncrasy of each language, although we cannot rule out the possibility that one these languages influenced the other, especially, as in the case here, when we are dealing with two closely related languages like French and Spanish.
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Notes
- 1.
RDI COLINDANTE (PID2019-104741GB-100), Ministry of Science and Innovation (Spain).
- 2.
For this concept in adverbs ending in -mente with interpretation of degree, see [3].
- 3.
In Spanish, the adjectival bases of the subclass < causatives of feeling: fear > which give rise to the adverbial derivations with an intensive meaning were originally marked by a higher degree of intensity in the description of the feeling. Thus, adjectival bases like temeroso, medroso or temible (meant as causation of a medium-intensity feeling ‘that instills fear’) have not given rise to derivations with an intensive interpretation, as opposed to the bases espantoso, horrible, horroroso, terrible, terrorífico, tremendo or pavoroso, which implicitly entail the idea of horror or terror (‘intense fear’).
- 4.
- 5.
The DMF [17] contains this example but classifies it under the non-grammaticalized meaning of the adverb: ‘De manière à inspirer la terreur, de manière effrayante’. Even though it clearly preserves part of this meaning, the intensive meaning also seems clear. The next example of LITTRÉ [21] (s.v. terriblement), which does not appear in FRANTEXT [18], also dates from the first half of the fourteenth century: si le regarderent à merveilles, car il estoit terriblement grant [Perceforest, t. IV, f° 53].
- 6.
We even find this with the verb plaire: “Et les Canariens en estoient toutz esbahis et leur plaisoit terriblement” (Le Canarien, 1490, p. 305). We also have cases in which terriblement combines with lexical units with neutral connotations. They are also clearly intensive uses, as the lexical meaning of < causative of feeling > does not fit: Je suis terriblement pensif Que je ne voy ici personne (Sottie à cinq personnages.., 1488, p. 158); Ou peult il estre ? Je ne le vy depuis Qu’il s’est levé terriblement matin (Le Mystère de saint Martin, 1496, p. 187).
- 7.
This study also highlights the hinge role performed by participles, a category halfway between verbs and adjectives.
- 8.
Naturally, today its meaning as an adverb of manner still continues when it accompanies non-gradable verbs ([4], s.v. terriblemente).
- 9.
P. ext. [Avec une valeur d’intensif] ‘Extrêmement’: Et en cest meisme livre avoit il dit devant comme la gloire de grandeur et de latitude de empire ou de royalme est comparee a la joie ou leesce que l’en a d’une verriere fieble et clere, de laquele l’en est toujours en doubte horriblement qu’elle ne soit froissié soudainement. (ORESME, Pol. Arist. M., c.1372–1374, 292).
- 10.
The non-causative meaning of the adjective was also in the minority, as in this example: “El espantoso ha miedo et spantase de lo que deue auer miedo et espantase de lo que non ha razon por que deue auer miedo” (1326, Juan Manuel, Libro del caballero y del escudero, ed. José Manuel Blecua). Hence, a phrase like despertarse espantosamente is interpreted as non-causative ‘con espanto, espantado’ (with fright, frightful) in this passage: “Del sueño son quando gorgean en el sueño e padecen ruimiento en los dientes e maxcan ansí como si tuviese algund cibo en la boca e tienen sueños espantosos e despiértanse espantosamente e con quexa e con ira” (1495, translation of the Lilio de medicina de Gordonio, ed. John Cull).
- 11.
This book title is significant: “Brujas y brujerías: Propuestas para pasarlo espantosamente bien.”.
- 12.
In [8], only adjectives and adverbs with negative meanings in a familiar register are mentioned.
- 13.
We find a similar use in another psalm: Je regehirai à tei, kar espowentablement ies magnifiez; merveilluses sunt les tues ovres, e la meie aneme conuistra mult. Liber Psalmorum 216:13) [7] (p. 216).
- 14.
Cf. RH [22] s.v. terrible.
- 15.
We should note that épouvanter comes from vulgar Latin *expaventare, from the Latin expavere’fear’, with the prefix ex- that adds intensive value (cf. TLFi [24] s.v. épouvanter).
- 16.
[8] (s.v. horrorosamente) attributes these usages to a marginal or even dialectal nature.
- 17.
The TLFi [24], in fact, contains this last quote as the first example of an intensive meaning in its entry for effroyablement (P. exagér., fam. De manière excessive). The RH [22] states that the classical authors used effroyablement as a simple intensive, while today its negative connotation (‘désagrément’, that is ‘dislike, annoyance’) prevails.
- 18.
The non-causative meaning came early, since it can be traced in texts from the thirteenth century, as revealed in the following excerpt: “Bienaventurado el omne que siempre está pavoroso d’esto, mas el que de yerta voluntat fuere contra esto, en mal caidrá” (in 1280, Alfonso X, General Estoria, ed. Pedro Sánchez-Prieto Borja).
- 19.
Proof of this is its virtual non-existence in oral corpuses. In fact, DECH [16] (s.v. pavor) reports that the initial base noun is today a literary archaicism.
- 20.
Causative adjectives of feeling are found in Rabelais’ titles, such as: Les horribles et espoventables faictz et prouesses du très renommé Pantagruel. The TLFi [24] offers an example of the use of this adverb with a modal meaning in the twentieth century: Ils se seraient aperçus (…) que les bastilles horrifiquement nommées Londres et Paris n’étaient capables d’arrêter au passage ni blé, ni bœufs (A. France, J. d’Arc, t. 1, 1908, p. 327).
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Pérez García, R., Blanco, X. (2022). Formation and Evolution of Intensive Adverbs Ending in -mente Derived from the Adjectival Class <Causatives de Feeling: Fear> in Spanish and French. In: González, M., Reyes, S.S., Rodrigo, A., Silberztein, M. (eds) Formalizing Natural Languages: Applications to Natural Language Processing and Digital Humanities. NooJ 2022. Communications in Computer and Information Science, vol 1758. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23317-3_2
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