Abstract
Presupposition projection in quantified sentences is at the center of debates in the presupposition literature. This paper reports on a survey revealing inter-speaker variation regarding which quantifier yields universal inferences—which Q in Q(B)(λx.C(x) p(x)) supports the inference \(\forall x\in B\colon p(x)\). We observe an implication that if some yields a universal inference for a speaker, no, and any in a polar question do as well. We propose an account of this implication based on a trivalent theory of presupposition projection together with auxiliary assumptions suggested by [8].
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Sudo, Y., Romoli, J., Hackl, M., Fox, D. (2012). Presupposition Projection Out of Quantified Sentences: Strengthening, Local Accommodation and Inter-speaker Variation. In: Aloni, M., Kimmelman, V., Roelofsen, F., Sassoon, G.W., Schulz, K., Westera, M. (eds) Logic, Language and Meaning. Lecture Notes in Computer Science, vol 7218. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-31482-7_22
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-31482-7_22
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