Abstract
Why do some protests face police repression while others are tolerated? This article formulates signaling game models to analyze the dynamic interaction between police and protesters in autocratic and democratic regimes. The theoretical framework of formal models suggests that low profile protester actions like peaceful marches with shouts avoid repressive police responses as opposed to high profile actions like close proximity contacts with the police. The equilibrium outcomes of our games are analyzed with empirical specifications that draw on two rich datasets. The empirical results of multinomial linear regression (MLR) models support the claim that police are likelier to repress protests which use aggressive actions. These results are one explanation for the Law of Coercive Responsiveness [14]. The robustness analysis of longitudinal data on protest events in the USA from 1960 to 1995 provides additional insights into the mechanism that protests relying on aggressive actions are more likely to face police violence.



Similar content being viewed by others
Data Availability
The author is willing to share the data upon publication.
Code Availability
The author is willing to share the software codes used for empirical analysis upon publication and reasonable request.
Notes
To clarify, while we provide an empirical validity for this logic in our estimation models; however, in the real world, many instances of soft tactics like words and statements do generate violent response by the police.
Disruptive costs are defined as the cumulative function of protest location, duration, and size. Concession cost index is operationalized as the aggregate function of protesters’ demands, protester violence, and recurrent demands.
Klein and Regan [27] suggest that protests which demand the resignation of the state leader are costlier than protests that present other types of demands such as resource distribution and social rights (pg. 489).
We use “Neutral” as our reference category for the multinomial logistic analysis.
In the original NAVCO dataset, there is another category 4 = political engagement: dialogue or negotiations, but we do not report it here since after filtering our dataset had no observations with this category as a tactical option for protesters.
This result of high probability can be affected by the size and specific observations in our dataset.
This result should be taken with some caution because of the lack of data on protests that seek regime change, of which there are only 26 out of 204 observations in our dataset.
The reason is that in the logistical regression context the fixed effects do not control for unobserved time-dependent covariates (see, [55].
References
Allison PD (2005) Fixed effects regression methods for longitudinal data using SAS. SAS Institute, Cary, NC
Angeletos G-M, Hellwig C, Pavan A (2007) Dynamic global games of regime change: learning, multiplicity, and the timing of attacks. Econometrica 75(3):711–756
Asher B (1999) Nonviolent social movements: a geographical perspective. Blackwell, Malden, Mass.
Banks JS, Sobel J (1987) Equilibrium selection in signaling games. Econometrica 50(3):647–661
Bell A, Jones K (2015) Explaining fixed effects: random effects modeling of time-series, cross sectional and panel data. Political Science Research and Methods (PSRM). 3(1):133–153
Boudreau V (2004) Resisting dictatorship: repression and protest in Southeast Asia. Cambridge University Press, New York
Burgess B, Burgess H, Peter W (1994) Justice without violence. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner
Butcher C, Svensson I (2016) Manufacturing dissent: modernization and the onset of major nonviolent resistance campaigns. J Conflict Resolut 60(2):311–339
Chang P, Vitale A (2013) Repressive coverage in an authoritarian context: threat, weakness, and legitimacy in South Korea’s democracy movement. Mobilization 18(1):19–39
Chenoweth E, Pinckney J, Lewis OA (2017) Nonviolent and violent campaigns and outcomes dataset, v. 3.0. University of Denver
Chenoweth E, Gallagher Cunningham K (eds) (2013) Understanding nonviolent resistance: an introduction. Special issue. J Peace Res. 50(3)
Croissant A, Kuehn D, Eschenauer T (2018) Mass protests and the military. J Democr 29(3):141–155
Davenport C, Soule S, Armstrong D (2011) Protesting while Black? The differential policing of American Activism, 1960–1990”. Am Sociol Rev 76(1):152–178
Davenport C (2007) State repression and political order. Annu Rev Polit Sci 10:1–23
Dragu T, Lupu Y (2018) Collective action and constraints on repression at the endgame. Comp Pol Stud 51(8):1042–1073
Dudouet V (2013) Dynamics and factors of transition from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance. J Peace Res 50(3):401–413
Earl J, Soule SA, McCarthy John D (2003) Protests under fire? Explaining protest policing. Am Sociol Rev 69:581–606
Earl J, Soule SA (2006) Seeing blue: a police-centered explanation of protest policing. Mobilization 11:145–164
Escriba-Folch A (2013) Repression, political threats, and survival under autocracy. Int Polit Sci Rev 34(5):543–560
Francisco RA (1995) The relationship between coercion and protest: an empirical evaluation in three coercive states. J Conflict Resolut 39(2):263–282
Gartner SS, Regan PM (1996) Threat and repression: the nonlinear relationship between government and opposition violence. J Peace Res 33(3):273
LaGina G (2020) Revealing issue salience via costly protest: how legislative behavior following protest advantages low-resource groups. Br J Polit Sci. 1–21 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123420000423
Greene WH (1993) Econometric Analysis, 2nd ed., Macmillan
Greitens SC (2016) Dictators and their secret police-coercive institutions and state violence. New York: Cambridge University Press
Hsiao C (2003) Analysis of panel data. Cambridge University Press
Huang H (2013) Signal left, turn right: central rhetoric and local reform in China. Polit Res Q 66:292–305
Klein GR, Regan PM (2018) Dynamics of political protests. Int Organ 72:485–521
Kuran T (1991) Now out of never: the element of surprise in the East European Revolution of 1989. World Politics 44(1):7–48
Leventoglu B, Metternich NW (2018) Born weak, growing strong: anti-government protests as a signal of rebel strength in the context of Civil Wars. American Journal of Political Science 62(3):581–596
Lohmann S (1993) A signaling model of informative and manipulative political action. American Political Science Review 87(2):319–333
McAdam D, McCarthy J Olzak S, Soule S nd (2019) Dynamics of collective action. http://www.stanford.edu/group/collectiveaction/ (accessed 14 Oct 2019)
Marshall MG, Jaggers K (2016) Polity IV project: political regime characteristics and transitions. Retrieved from http://www.systemicpeace.org/polity/polity4.htm
Mátyás L, Sevestre P (eds) (2008) The econometrics of panel data: fundamentals and recent developments in theory and practice, 3rd edn. Springer, New York
Nepstad SE (2011) Nonviolent revolutions: civil resistance in the late 20th century. Oxford University Press, New York
North D, Wallis J, Weingast B (2009) Violence and social orders: a conceptual framework for interpreting recorded human history. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
Pierskalla JH (2010) Protest, deterrence, and escalation: the strategic calculus of government repression. J Conflict Resolut 54(1):117–145
Raffalovich LE, Chung R (2014) Models for pooled time-series cross-section data. Int J Confl Violence 8(2):210–221
Reynolds-Stenson H (2018) Protesting the police: anti-police brutality claims as a predictor of police repression of protest. Soc Mov Stud 17(1):14–63
Ritter EH (2014) Policy disputes, political survival, and the onset and severity of state repression. J Conflict Resolut 58(1):143–168
Shadmehr M, Bernhardt D (2011) Collective action with uncertain payoffs: coordination, public signals, and punishment dilemmas. American Political Science Review 105(4):829–851
Shadmehr M ( 2014) Mobilization, repression, and revolutions: grievances and opportunities in contentious politics. J Pol 76(3):621–635
Schock K (2005) Unarmed insurrections: people power movements in non-democracies. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis
Schock K (2013) The practice and study of civil resistance. J Peace Res 50(3):277–290
Searle JR (1990) Collective intentions and actions. Cambridge. MA: MIT Press
Sharp G (1973) The politics of nonviolent action. Porter Sargent, Boston, MA
Sharp G (2005) Waging nonviolent struggle: 20th century practice and 21st century potential. Porter Sargent, Boston
Solt F (2015) Economic inequality and nonviolent protest. Social Sciences Quarterly 96(5)
Stephan MJ, Chenoweth E (2008) Why civil resistance works: the strategic logic of nonviolent conflict. Int Secur 33:7–44
Sullivan CM (2016) Undermining resistance: mobilization, repression, and the enforcement of political order. J Conflict Resolut 60(7):1163–1190
Sullivan H (2019) Sticks, stones, and broken bones: protest violence and the state. J Conflict Resolut 63(3):700–726
Tansey, O, Koehler K, Alexander S (2018) Ties to the rest: autocratic linkages and regime survival. Comparative Political Studies, 1–34
Tilly C (2008) Contentious performances. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England
Tsebelis G, Sprague J (1989) Coercion and revolution: variations on a predator-prey model. Mathematical Computer Modeling 12(4/5):547–559
Tolstrup J, Seeberg MA, Glavind JG (2019) Signals of support from great power patrons and the use of repression during nonviolent protests. Comp Pol Stud 52(4):514–543
Wilson JR, Lorenz KA (2015) Fixed effects logistic regression model. In: Modeling binary correlated responses using SAS, SPSS and R. ICSA Book Series in Statistics, vol 9. Springer, Cham
Zunes S (1994) Unarmed insurrections against authoritarian governments in the third world: a new kind of revolution. Third World Quarterly 15:403–442
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Jan Pierskalla, Stergios Skaperdas, David Meyer, Bernard Grofman, Samantha Vortherms, Marek Kaminski, Jeff Kopstein and the editor Panos Pardalos and annonymous reviewers for very useful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this paper. The current version of this work has also benefited from commentary received from students and professors alike in Experimental Economics I and II graduate courses taught by John Duffy and Michael McBride, respectively, at UC Irvine. Additionally, I would like to extend my gratitude to PhD student colleagues Avik Sanyal, Andrew Benson, Nishtha Sharma, Mark Hup and Patrick Julius in the Economics department at UCI for tremendously stimulating discussions.
Funding
This research was supported by the Jack W. Peltason Center for the Study of Democracy and the Institute of Humane Studies summer graduate research fellowship Center for Global Peace and Conflict Studies, both at UC Irvine.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Contributions
Not applicable.
Corresponding author
Ethics declarations
Ethics Approval
Not applicable.
Consent to Participate
Not applicable.
Consent for Publication
Not applicable.
Conflict of Interest
The author declares no competing interests.
Additional information
Publisher's Note
Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Supplementary Information
Below is the link to the electronic supplementary material.
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
Karavardanyan, S. Are Actions Costlier Than Words? Formal Models of Protester-Police Dynamic Interactions and Evidence from Empirical Analysis. Oper. Res. Forum 2, 54 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s43069-021-00099-4
Received:
Accepted:
Published:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s43069-021-00099-4