Unlimited power is apt to corrupt the minds of those who possess it.
William Pitt the Elder, 1770
No man ought certainly to be a judge in his own cause, or in any cause in respect to which he has the least interest or bias.
Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 80, 1788
Abstract
This article reviews the history of press self-regulation in Britain, from the 1947 Ross Commission to the 2012 Leveson Inquiry Commission. It considers the history of the Press Council and the Press Complaints Commission, analysing the ways they developed, their work, and how they have reached their current non-status. It is argued that the existing situation in Britain is far from satisfactory, and that the press should advance more elaborate mechanisms of self-control, establishing a new regulatory body called the Public and Press Council that will be anchored in law, empowering the new regulator with greater and unprecedented authority, and equipping it with substantive sanctioning abilities. The Public and Press Council should be independent and effective, with transparent policies, processes and responsibilities. Its adjudication should be made in accordance with a written, detailed Code of Practice.
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Notes
The terms ‘Code of Practice’ and ‘Code of Conduct’ are used interchangeably.
Defamation Act 1952, http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/Geo6and1Eliz2/15-16/66.
The bills were introduced by John Brown MP and Tony Worthington MP respectively. For further deliberation see Blom-Cooper (1992: 4–5), Curran and Seaton (2010: 334). In 1993, Clive Soley tabled the Press Freedom and Responsibility Bill. House of Commons Debates (1993). The bill was not enacted. For critique of this bill, see Hunt (2012).
I am grateful to one referee for his instructive comments on this matter.
The same year, in March 1993, Report on Privacy and Media Intrusion from the National Heritage Committee recommended inter alia a statutory press ombudsman and a privacy law.
One referee noted that Bob Pinker, the Privacy Commissioner, was a hugely respected and highly personable man, gifted communicator and someone of great commitment to press freedom and individual freedom; with the intellectual nous to square that particular circle. The referee maintained that an organisation can—in some cases—be less than the individuals who compose it. Pinker’s individual contribution was substantial and noteworthy.
The PCC was funded by the press: 54 % by the national press; 39 % by the regional newspapers, and 7 % by the magazines. To have a facade of independence, another body was established for finance and budgeting called The Press Standards Board of Finance. But it is only a facade.
On this issue I disagree with Leveson (2012b: 33) who wrote: “Funding for the system should be settled in agreement between the industry and the Board, taking into account the cost of fulfilling the obligations of the regulator and the commercial pressures on the industry”. It is difficult to fathom how this recommendation can be reconciled with another Leveson recommendation, that the new regulatory organisation be independent of the press.
For an extended discussion, see Cohen-Almagor (2014a).
Leveson (2012b: 34) wrote: “The Board should have the power to impose appropriate and proportionate sanctions, (including financial sanctions up to 1 % of turnover with a maximum of £1 m), on any subscriber found to be responsible for serious or systemic breaches of the standards code or governance requirements of the body”.
This is another point of disagreement with Leveson (2012b: 34) who argues: “The Board should not have the power to prevent publication of any material, by anyone, at any time although (in its discretion) it should be able to offer a service of advice to editors of subscribing publications relating to code compliance which editors, in their discretion, can deploy in civil proceedings arising out of publication”.
One referee accentuated the importance of Hacked Off, an untypical amalgam of journalists and press colleagues, with academics and public celebrities—who have funded it beyond most protest groups’ wildest imaginations. TV access is relatively easy with members like Hugh Grant who made Hacked off instrumental in preventing the formally organised press groups from enjoying what has become almost a tradition veto power on regulation proposals.
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The author is grateful to John Lloyd as well as the Editor and referees of Science and Engineering Ethics for their constructive comments on a draft of this paper.
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Cohen-Almagor, R. Press Self-Regulation in Britain: A Critique. Sci Eng Ethics 21, 159–181 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11948-014-9538-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11948-014-9538-8